U.S.-Singapore Relations 2006
Remarks by Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill
The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy
May 22, 2006
Good afternoon. Thank you very much and I will resist the temptation to give this lecture in Albanian. (laughter) Good afternoon, and thank you very much to Dean Mahbubani. It is a great honor to be here at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. I’m delighted that you invited me today. It’s one of my first visits to Singapore, and I must say what a pleasure it is to see this city. Singapore is a city that really invented the concept of globalization, and that was long before that word started putting people to sleep in international conferences. So I was very pleased yesterday to have the opportunity to walk around in Singapore and be a tourist. I had the occasion to go the Asian Civilizations Museum, and it really drove home to me what a crossroads Singapore is, not only as a transportation hub, but also as a home to very diverse populations representing many ethnic groups and religions, and to a huge business community – it’s truly remarkable the number of international businesses there are here. I think the richness, variety, and antiquity of the treasures at that museum really reflect Asia’s vast and varied geography, its history, and the accomplishments of its peoples over the centuries.
Singapore
And I would say what Singapore has accomplished over the past decades is truly remarkable. I think many of you know much better than I that Singapore’s success was by no means a certainty in the early 1960s. It was a tiny piece of land, a small population, with virtually no natural resources. Out of that, on the basis of some very good policy choices and a lot of hard work, Singaporeans built a state that’s become an economic powerhouse – our tenth largest trading partner in the world and an international commercial hub. You created unity out of many and a state that celebrates its ethnic, religious and linguistic diversity. I am particularly impressed that Singapore has four languages, and I’m not even counting my favorite, which is “Singlish.” I’d like to learn that at some point.
We in the United States not only have admired the success of Singapore, but have benefited very much from the strategic clarity and understanding of the region that we receive when we talk to people from Singapore. A generation of senior American officials has found it important to include a Singapore stop in their regional travels, because they knew they could count on very clear analytical advice on regional developments.
So I would say that the relationship between the U.S. and Singapore is as strong as it’s ever been. It’s based on our friendship, common interests, and a shared strategic perspective. Our commercial ties are strong and growing – fueled by a bilateral Free Trade Agreement that’s produced more than a ten percent increase in trade since 2004. Incredibly enough, U.S. exports to Singapore and its 4.3 million people equal about one-half of our exports to China and its 1.3 billion people.
Our security cooperation is also impressive, from expanding military training exercises to collaborating in the fields of military science and technology. We are working closely together on the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Container Security Initiative, helping to protect both of our countries from weapons of mass destruction.
Frequent visits and discussions at all levels keep our relationship very strong. Secretary of Homeland Security Chertoff visited Singapore in March. Senior defense officials regularly stop here, and we look forward to welcoming Senior Minister Goh to Washington in a week when he and President Bush will talk about ways to enhance our ties.
Multilateral Engagement – ASEAN, APEC, and ARF
Our close ties with Singapore also reflect our close involvement as a Pacific nation, one that really dates back two centuries to the days of the China clippers. Our commitment to freedom of navigation and freedom of commerce has been constant through these centuries, and we see Asia as critical to our future and that of the international system. I think it’s fair to say that the century of Asia, so long predicted, is indeed upon us and you can expect to see even greater U.S. engagement as we move forward.
We have a long list of alliances, memberships in regional organizations, high-level visits, trade and investment statistics, and regional initiatives. You already know the enormous commercial, political, diplomatic, and military ties that bind the United States to the region. This means the U.S. will remain deeply engaged in Asia for a long time to come. As Secretary Rice said in Jakarta just a few weeks ago, we share with the region an “alliance of peoples.” The Asia-Pacific region is part of who we are.
The landscape of Asia is indeed changing, reflecting the region’s success. But, we shall remain an important part of that landscape. Whether it’s responding to natural disasters or the threat of avian influenza, the United States has continually demonstrated its commitment to this region.
While much of our deepening economic, political and military ties in the region tends to be bilateral in character, we are also fully engaged in the still-evolving multilateral architecture of the region, not least as a founding member of both APEC and the ASEAN Regional Forum but also in other areas as well.
In APEC, the United States and 20 other member economies are working diligently to facilitate and promote free trade, economic growth, investment and cooperation in the Pacific region. APEC is also addressing critical transnational issues such as protection of intellectual property rights, fighting infectious disease and enhancing regional security.
The United States is also fully committed to boosting cooperation with ASEAN. Since 2002, we have pursued an active agenda of interest and benefit to both sides, especially on transnational issues of mutual concern, such as promoting health and the environment and as well as combating crime and terrorism. On the economic front, Southeast Asia is a leader in the global economy and one of the United States’ most important trading partners. In 2005, U.S. exports to ASEAN were almost $50 billion, while we imported from the region nearly $100 billion – the fifth largest market for U.S. exports in the world. U.S. direct investment in ASEAN exceeds that in China and Hong Kong. We are now actively working on taking our relationship with ASEAN to the next level.
During last November’s APEC meetings in Korea, President Bush and ASEAN leaders announced the Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN – U.S. Enhanced Partnership. The goal of this partnership is to institutionalize the US-ASEAN relationship and set a foundation for sustaining and expanding our ties well into the 21st century. We are currently working with ASEAN to develop an action plan to implement this vision. The Enhanced Partnership will be multi-sectoral in its focus, touching upon all segments of our expanding relationship, including economic, educational, cultural, and security. I expect to be discussing the Enhanced Partnership with senior ASEAN officials when I go to Bangkok tonight. We’re hoping to finalize the details of the action plan so it can be presented to ASEAN ministers and Secretary Rice for signing at the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference in July.
Pan-Asianism v. Pan-Pacificism – The EAS Debate
Our engagement with Southeast Asia continues to broaden and deepen. The dynamism of the region means that our relationship is in a constant state of evolution, which has given rise to renewed debate and discussion about regional fora, and whether they should be inclusive or exclusive. Correspondingly, the concept of pan-Asianism vs. pan-Pacificism has also re-emerged. It is entirely understandable that Asia is looking to strengthen its own regional institutions, just as other regional groupings in other parts of the world have done the same. This drive is a reflection of the remarkable and still growing pattern of intra-Asian economic and financial integration, and is not surprising – and we welcome it.
But we need to think hard and clearly about the question of how we can integrate pan-Asian and trans-Pacific fora. We have heard much debate about the East Asian Summit. Before coming to any conclusions, we need to look at the whole landscape – and indeed the seascape – of proliferating regional fora – ASEAN+3, APEC, ARF, and the EAS – to determine how the pieces can fit better together. The goal should be to achieve synergy and avoid redundancy and duplication. Too often in Southeast Asia I’ve heard complaints about “meeting fatigue.” Indeed, this year ASEAN and the European Union are in a race to hold more meetings. I understand the EU is still in the lead, but ASEAN is closing the gap.
With respect to the East Asia Summit, the U.S. continues to watch with interest how this forum will develop. As I mentioned earlier, APEC and the ARF are vital components of our relationship with Asia and Southeast Asia. We want to continue to work with you to ensure we don’t dilute the effectiveness of these institutions and the important cooperation they foster. The United States is and will remain deeply involved in the transformation of Southeast Asia.
Bilateral Relationships
Our interest in the evolving architecture and the reinvigoration of our ties with ASEAN are an extension of very dynamic bilateral ties with partners in the Southeast Asia region. Bilateral ties are important and will remain so. It is important for people in Singapore to know how hard we are working with Singapore’s neighbors because the better off Singapore’s neighbors are, indded we believe the better off Singapore will be. The great majority of governments throughout the region – with the exception of one – are making the often difficult decisions needed to open up their societies so the aspirations of their people can be fully realized. Let me briefly discuss some of these bilateral relationships.
Indonesia is well on its way on the path of reform, as President Yudhoyono implements an agenda that seeks to reinforce democratic institutions and transparency. Indonesia is a country that has had many problems in the past decades, but we feel it has turned the corner and is very much heading in the right direction. We are proud to be working closely with the Indonesian people as they continue the process of systemic reform.
Malaysia, to name another of Singapore’s neighbors, is a Southeast Asian country that has made impressive gains in recent years, both economically and politically. I’m going to go to KL on Wednesday to further our expanded dialogue, which includes an expanded economic relationship. As you may be aware, the U.S. Trade Representative’s Office will begin negotiations with the Malaysians next month on a Free Trade Agreement.
We are also working closely with other countries in Indochina. A year ago, we had serious concerns over the direction of Cambodia’s fledgling democracy: opposition party officials were being imprisoned and forced to flee the country, and civil society leaders were faced with a campaign of increasing intimidation. Now, we see Cambodia getting back on track, with the government allowing the opposition to become more engaged in governing the country, and civil society resuming an important role in advocating for Cambodia’s citizens.
Vietnam continues to press forward with economic reforms that are producing growth rates reminiscent of the Asian tigers over a decade ago. Vietnam is clearly taxiing to the runway to begin its takeoff. The United States’ recently concluded bilateral negotiations with Vietnam on its accession to the World Trade Organization will pave the way for its further integration with the global economy.
Thailand remains a close ally, working with us across a broad range of activities. We have worked together for years on scientific and health research collaboration, for example. And now we can use those links to collaborate and share information on avian influenza, with Thailand paving the way as a regional leader in AI detection and response. We also see increasing economic ties between our countries, which we fully expect to cement in an eventual bilateral Free Trade Agreement. In fact, I’ll be going to Bangkok tonight.
With regard to our long-standing ally the Philippines, we are also seeing some real benefit from our close cooperation there to strengthen and reform the armed forces. We are working closely with the government in Manila to improve health, education and economic opportunities for communities in the southern Philippines, in Mindanao, which historically have been exploited by criminals and terrorists. These approaches are paying off and the region as a whole will ultimately benefit.
With regard to our long-standing ally the Philippines, we are seeing real benefits from several years of close cooperation to strengthen and reform the armed forces. We are working closely with the government in Manila to improve health, education and economic opportunities for communities in the southern Philippines and Mindanao, which historically have been exploited by criminals and terrorists. These approaches are paying off and the region as a whole will ultimately benefit.
Indeed, Southeast Asia is transforming. We fully support and encourage this transformation and the openness and cooperation it is inspiring. Promoting development, expanding economic opportunity, fighting corruption, combating terrorism, providing security, and ensuring the health of our citizenry are priorities that we increasingly agree on. We acknowledge the difficulties inherent in the effort to tackle these problems, but we are committed to working with the governments of Southeast Asia to help achieve these goals. We also support efforts throughout the region that seek to promote human rights and spread democracy, because this is the only way that people who are truly free can reach their fullest potential.
Burma
But finally, we have one country in Southeast Asia were there is a real, glaring exception to the positive trends and that is in Myanmar, or Burma. For over 40 years, the Burmese military has implemented inward-looking and rather misguided policies that have led to a precipitous deterioration in the political, humanitarian, and socioeconomic situation there.
It was once the star of Southeast Asia, and Burma is now the source of ills that pose risks for the entire region, including drugs, cross-border migration, and infectious diseases. The regime’s refusal to recognize the results of the 1990 legislative elections and the May 30, 2003 attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters by forces affiliated with the regime are constant reminders of the regime’s disregard for human rights and democratic principles. The latest example of this behavior is found in the regime’s intensified abuses of ethnic minorities in the Karen State. The only long-term solution to Burma’s problems is real political reform that leads to responsible governance. And should the regime take steps in this direction, we and others in the international community would be prepared to respond positively.
China
But of all of these bilateral relationships in Southeast Asia, there is one relationship that could have an impact on all of them, and that is our relationship with China. First of all, I want to be very clear about China: more China in Southeast Asia does not mean less of the United States. We believe we can work with China. We can work with China throughout the world, including in Southeast Asia. China’s rapid economic development and its rising political influence pose new challenges and opportunities to all the countries of Asia as well as to the United States. As President Bush noted last month during President Hu Jintao’s visit to Washington, the United States welcomes the emergence of a China that is peaceful and prosperous, and that supports international institutions. We are engaged with China on many, many different levels -- on almost every issue that affects our broad strategic and economic interest. We have found many areas in which our interests and policies converge and, as importantly, we are able to engage candidly in those areas where we have found differences. For seven consecutive U.S. administrations, we have supported and encouraged China’s integration into the global system. We have succeeded in that effort. China is a member of nearly every security and economic organization you can think of – from the United Nations and the ASEAN Regional Forum to the WTO and the Asia-Pacific Economic Forum. Now, as Deputy Secretary Robert Zoellick noted in a speech last September, it is time for all of us to encourage China to take on a greater role as a responsible stakeholder in the international system, a system from which China has benefited greatly.
In other words, we expect to have a constructive engagement with China on issues of significance to all of us, from Iran’s nuclear ambitions and North Korea’s nuclear weapons to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. On the economic side, China is no longer just a participant in the WTO and global financial markets. China’s treatment of domestic economic issues, such as those relating to intellectual property protection and currency, help shape the global system. And, we have seen how China’s management of public health threats, such as SARS or avian influenza, and environmental issues -- including the benzene oil spill on the Songhua River last year -- can impact its neighbors and the rest of the world. China, like the U.S., has a responsibility to help build a better future for all of us. We are all in this together, both sides of the Pacific. So you can count on us to continue to work with China in a constructive way to expand prosperity and promote peace and stability throughout the region.
Taiwan
Taiwan is also an issue that we must maintain a very close interest in. Maintaining cross-Strait peace and stability is vital not only for the security and prosperity of the people on both sides, but for the rest of the region as well as the U.S. Our “one China” policy is familiar to all of you here so I won’t repeat it, but it’s important for you to know that we remain committed to it. Our policy has served the interests of the American people well, in addition to Asians throughout the region. We respect Taiwan’s democracy and are pleased to see the 23 million people on Taiwan flourishing. The key, looking ahead, will be direct dialogue between authorities in Beijing and Taipei. And while we have welcomed China’s engagement with members of Taiwan's opposition, we urge Beijing to undertake dialogue with Taiwan's elected leaders in the Democratic Progressive Party. Only through these contacts can mutual trust and confidence become the basis for what we profoundly wish to see and take as an abiding concern: peaceful resolution of the issues between both sides of the Taiwan Strait.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I’ve gone through a lot of issues affecting Southeast Asia. It is indeed through these direct bilateral and multilateral contacts with the countries of Southeast Asia that we have managed to achieve the deep and respectful relationship we have today. After decades of engagement in the region, the United States is and will remain deeply involved in the transformation of Southeast Asia. We will continue to work together to see our regional ties deepen, our cooperation expand, and our nations flourish.
So with those remarks, I’m happy to take questions